By Katherine A.S. Sibley
With the research of the easiest students in this period, 29 essays exhibit how lecturers then and still have addressed the political, fiscal, diplomatic, cultural, ethnic, and social historical past of the presidents of the Republican period of 1921-1933 - Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover.
- This is the 1st historiographical therapy of a long-neglected interval, starting from early remedies to the newest scholarship
- Features assessment essays at the period, together with the legacy of progressivism in an age of “normalcy”, the background of yankee overseas relatives after global conflict I, and race kinfolk within the Twenties, in addition to insurance of the 3 presidential elections and a radical remedy of the motives and results of the good Depression
- An creation by way of the editor offers an summary of the problems, historical past and historic difficulties of the time, and the personalities at play
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Additional resources for A Companion to Warren G. Harding, Calvin Coolidge, and Herbert Hoover
Journalists and historians were major figures in publicly reexamining the US “road to war” from 1914 to 1917 and rethinking the role of intellectuals in the war effort. By 1924, as Peter Novick found, many thinkers and historians recognized their own culpability in supporting the war. These efforts resulted in “disillusionment [that] was deep and widespread” (Novick 1988: 129). This grappling with their own support for – or acquiescence to – the Great War is poignantly evidenced in the personal correspondence and writings of prominent historians such as Merle Curti and Carl Becker, for example, and in the revisionist histories of the period (Adler 1951; Novick 1988).
Barnes, similarly, drew on new documents and the latest scholarly insights to produce a book entitled The Genesis of the World War (1926), which focused on European politics to argue cogently against the German-blame consensus. Barnes laid out a strong case for Russia, France, Serbia, and Austria as central culprits, more or less in that order, for bringing about the world war, with Germany and England being less culpable. Fay’s Origins of the World War in 1928 went beyond Barnes’ schematization of culpable parties but still laid out one axiomatic position: Austria “was more responsible for the immediate origins of the war than any other power” (Fay 1928: 547–548).
Still, anticolonial movements, Manela shows, “embraced the language of self-determination that [Wilson] brought to prominence, refashioning their goals and identities in its image even as they recast its meanings in theirs” to shape the history of the s ucceeding decades (Manela 2007: 225). When considering the high ambitions and varied interpretations, appropriations, and expectations that Wilsonian language elicited, it is not surprising that they led to profound disillusionment and harsh reaction against Wilson afterward, both at home and abroad.
A Companion to Warren G. Harding, Calvin Coolidge, and Herbert Hoover by Katherine A.S. Sibley